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Robbers from outside, and in return they carry on a licensed and modified robbery of their own.' self-defense by orthodox peasants was dangerous: 'the government makes its presence felt . when a 'flying column' saunters out to hunt an elusive rebel band, or . to punish some flagrant act of defiance . the village may have . resented the violence of the tax-collector . [or] harboured an armed band of insurgents . or . killed a neighbouring civilian turk who had assaulted some girl of the place . at the very least all the men who can be caught will be mercilessly beaten, at the worst the village will be burned and some of its inhabitants massacred.' it was not surprising that peasants hated their rulers. 'one enters some hovel . something . stirs or groans in the gloomiest corner on the floor beneath a filthy blanket. is it fever, one asks, or smallpox? . the answer comes ., 'he is ill with fear.' . looking back . , a procession of ruined minds comes before the memory--an old priest lying beside a burning house speechless with terror . a woman who had barked like a dog since the day her village was burned; a maiden who became an imbecile because her mother buried her in a hole under the floor to save her from the soldiers . children who flee in terror at the sight of a stranger, crying 'turks! turks!' these are the human wreckage of the hurricane which usurps the functions of a government.' four things are worth noting in brailsford's account as we consider the prospects for a reform solution to balkan problems. first, revolutionary politics was not the foremost issue for the christian population: nationalism addressed the immediate problems in their daily lives only indirectly, by promising a potential better state. second, loyalties were still local and based on the family and the village, not on abstract national allegiances. if criminal abuses ended, the ottoman state might yet have invented an ottoman "nationalism" to compete with serbian, greek, romanian, or bulgarian nationalism. third, villagers did not cry out for new government departments or services, but only for relief from corruption and crime. the creation of new national institutions was not necessary, only the reform of existing institutions. fourth, and on the other hand, mistrust and violence between the two sides was habitual. so many decades of reform had failed by this time. the situation was so hopeless and extreme that few people on either side can have thought of reform as a realistic option." during the 1890s, imro's main sources of income were voluntary and later, less voluntary ; taxation of the rural population, bank robberies, train robberies which won handsome world media coverage ; and kidnapping for ransom like the kidnapping of the american protestant missionary ellen stone - quite a mysterious affair ; . the imro developed along predictable lines into an authoritarian and secretive organization - a necessity if it were to fight the turks effectively. it had its own tribunals which exercised often fatal - authority over civilians who were deemed collaborators with the turkish enemy. it must be emphasized that this was not unusual or unique at that time. this was the modus operandi of all militaryorganized ideological and political groups. and, taking everything into account, the imro was fighting a just war against an abhorrent enemy. moreover, to some extent, its war was effective and resulted in reforms imposed on the sublime port the turkish authorities ; by the great powers of the day. we mentioned the peacekeeping force which replaced the local gendarmerie. but reforms were also enacted in education, religious rights and tolerance, construction, farm policy and other areas. the intractable and resource-consuming macedonian question led directly to the reform of turkey itself by the macedonia-born officer ataturk. and it facilitated the disintegration of the ottoman empire - thus, ironically, leading to the independence of almost everyone except its originators. the radicalization of imro and its transformation into the infamous organization it has come to be known as, started after the second balkan war 1913 ; and, more so, after the first world war 1918 ; . it was then that disillusionment with big power politics replaced the naive trust in the inevitable triumph of a just claim. the macedonians were never worse off politically, having contributed no less - if not more - than any other nation to the re-distribution of the ottoman empire. the cynicism, the hypocrisy, the off-handedness, the ignorance, the vile interests, the ulterior motives - all conspired to transform the imro from a goal-orientated association to a power hungry mostrosity. in 1912 bulgaria, serbia, and greece - former bitter foes - formed the balkan league to confront an even more bitter foe, the ottoman empire on the thin pretext of an albanian uprising. the brotherhood strained in the treaty of london may 1913 ; promptly deteriorated into internecine warfare over the spoils of a successful campaign namely, over macedonia. serbs, greeks, montenegrins and romanians subdued bulgaria sufficiently to force it to sign a treaty in august 1913 in bucharest. 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